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The overwhelming Tea Party conservatism in the Southern delegation reflects the region’s exceptionally conservative bent.
In a brand-new American Politics Research article, Columbia University’s Steven White ran a series of regressions analyses aimed at separating out the effect of region and religion on Southern political views.
Cooper is a close friend of new Attorney General Jeff Sessions and has a background full of controversial legal opinions dating to the Reagan era.
In legal filings, Cooper has defended a university that wanted to ban interracial dating on the basis of religious freedom, sided with employers who wanted to fire employees with HIV, and fought for a proposition against gay marriage in California. Politico described Cooper, a member of the conservative Federalist Society, as “one of the most prominent and aggressive Supreme Court litigators in the country.” The Solicitor General argues the government’s cases (such as on Trump’s executive orders) in front of the U. Supreme Court and is sometimes called the “10th justice” because of the influence the position has with the nation’s highest court.
He was a proud member of the Ku Klux Klan, telling Meet the Press that same year that “[n]o man can leave the Klan. Once a Ku Klux, always a Ku Klux.” During a filibuster of an anti-lynching bill, Bilbo claimed that the bill will open the floodgates of hell in the South. As early as 1867, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court upheld segregated railway cars on the grounds that “[t]he natural law which forbids [racial intermarriage] and that social amalgamation which leads to a corruption of races, is as clearly divine as that which imparted to [the races] different natures.” This same rationale was later adopted by state supreme courts in Alabama, Indiana and Virginia to justify bans on interracial marriage, and by justices in Kentucky to support residential segregation and segregated colleges. Allen Candler defended unequal public schooling for African Americans on the grounds that “God made them negroes and we cannot by education make them white folks.” After the Supreme Court ordered public schools integrated in , many segregationists cited their own faith as justification for official racism.
As believers, we demonstrate our love for others first by presenting Christ our Great Savior to every person, irrespective of race, culture, or national origin.The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix.” The most remarkable thing about Arizona’s “License To Discriminate” bill is how quickly it became anathema, even among Republicans.Both 2008 GOP presidential candidate John Mc Cain and 2012 GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney called upon Arizona Gov. Indeed, three state senators who voted for this very bill urged Brewer to veto it before she finally did so on Wednesday, confessing that they “made a mistake” when they voted for it to become law.The debt ceiling crisis may be over (at least until February), but the crisis created by the Republican Party’s sharp reactionary turn emphatically is not.
I’ve argued that the Tea Party, is the legacy of structural racism in the South dating back to the 1930s, and will remain a powerful force in the Republican Party absent tectonic shocks to the political landscape on the level of the civil rights movement. The South is best understood as an exceptional region inside the United States, with a unique political and cultural milieu birthed by the intersection of slavery and deep religiosity.To the contrary, as Wake Forest law Professor Michael Kent Curtis explained in a 2012 law review article, many segregationists justified racial bigotry on the very same grounds that religious conservatives now hope to justify anti-gay animus. After two non-consecutive terms as governor, Bilbo won a U. Senate seat campaigning against “farmer murderers, corrupters of Southern womanhood, [skunks] who steal Gideon Bibles from hotel rooms” and a host of other, equally colorful foes.